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When I get together with my gay friends, we talk about the same things I talk about with my straight friends: politics, movies and whether or not Brad Pitt cheated on Jennifer Aniston. But while my straight buddies will inevitably start talking about their impending pregnancies, the fags and I will chat about porn.
But not me. I was never ashamed of being gay. This isn't because I grew up in some liberal paradise like San Francisco or Amsterdam. I grew up in Cincinnati, arguably the most conservative city in the United States. It wasn't my parents' skilled social construction either. Sure, they were liberal-they never spanked me and they subscribed to both Ms. and the New Republic-but these former civil-rights workers didn't have a single gay friend, and they hid from my brother and me our godmother who had gone lesbian in the early eighties. In fact, my parents weren't ashamed of using "cocksucker" and "faggot" in moments of anger or disgust. No, I learned it was all right to be gay from pornography.
I can imagine that an anti-porn militant could see the previous paragraph as proof that porn corrupts. I can imagine it being read aloud at a book-burning or a congressional hearing followed by gasps and invective. The people who hate porn-and that can include both feminists like Andrea Dworkin and leaders of the religious right like Jerry Falwell-see it as the ultimate bad example. According to them, by consuming images of wanting ladies or stories about boys in bondage or movies about easy cheerleaders, we become rapists, pederasts, adulterers, serial killers, or a combination thereof.
During the seventies and eighties, when I was a child, the anti-porn movement-radicalized by the sexual revolution, Penthouse and Deep Throat-went berserk trying to stop the spread of smut. They succeeded in many parts of the US and Canada. In Cincinnati, for instance, it was impossible to purchase anything racier then Penthouse, and when a local gallery showed the photographs of Robert Mapplethorpe, its curator-who also happened to be our next-door neighbour-was put on trial for pandering obscenity and child porno- graphy. Thankfully, he was acquitted.
Spring fever is in the air at the Supreme Court as the justices prepare to hear arguments about the constitutionality of the Communications Decency Act on March 19. To familiarize themselves with the technological obstacles to finding pornography in cyberspace, some law clerks have obtained lists of especially salacious addresses on the World Wide Web and diligently browsed at their leisure. Not since the justices gathered to watch dirty movies in the basement of the Court during the 1960s (Justice Harlan, almost blind, asked his clerks to narrate as the action unfolded) have clerkly duties been quite so arduous.
Up until now, I've been discussing the CDA as if its language about "indecent" or "patently offensive" material, "as measured by contemporary community standards" that "depicts or describes sexual or excretory activities or organs," refers only to the kind of sexually explicit speech that the Supreme Court has said can be restricted for children. The Clinton Justice Department has tried to support this view by announcing that it will enforce the statute only against commercial pornographers. But this is hardly the most natural reading of the statute. In striking down the CDA, two of the three judges in Philadelphia held that the phrases "indecent" and "patently offensive" are unconstitutionally vague and might inhibit speech that has nothing to do with pornography, such as discussion groups about gay rights or Joyce's Ulysses.
Justice Breyer's indulgent view of the Cable Television Act shows the hazards of constitutional pragmatism. He criticized his colleagues for lacking the "flexibility necessary to allow government to respond to very serious practical problems," such as protecting children from indecency. But he failed to consider the degree to which the distinctions between indecency, pornography and obscenity are increasingly unstable in a global information age. Cable television and the Internet have called into question the distinction between pornography and obscenity by exposing the incoherence of geographically identifiable "community standards": especially in cyberspace, it's unrealistic to expect individual speakers to be able to predict the standards of the thousands of communities that their words and pictures may enter without their consent. It wouldn't be inconsistent with recent trends in law and technology for the Court to uphold the Communications Decency Act. It would, however, be a mistake.
The erotic cinema and pornography are another area where the gay perspective is suppressed. I thought it was shocking when Cineaste ran their survey on "Pornography and the Left," that they invited comments from five or six "authorities" but it never occurred to them to ask an openly gay person for his or her opinion. Particularly since the gay pornography industry is such a huge one and pornography has had such a formative influence on gay culture, a progressive influence even, according to many people.
With a few important exceptions, I think that gay men are almost always opposed to any form of censorship, because they remember what it was like in the closet. And they know that censorship will always be applied to their own legitimate cultural expression as soon as it's permitted anywhere. That's what's happening in New York right now: No sooner does the New York Times make its hypocritical, puritanical decision to refuse advertising for porno films than they take it upon themselves as well to decide what gay cultural manifestations are decent enough to be advertised in a family newspaper, refusing to run an ad for a gay theatrical piece called Gulp with no pornographic content whatsoever because somebody didn't like the title. It's the same with the Canadian government's decision to block the import of a gay sex manual while admitting a real flood of the comparable hetero manual, The Joy of Sex, or the U.S. prison system's refusal to allow gay prisoners to receive gay publications. The issue of censorship is far from closed. 2ff7e9595c
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